Saturday, March 29, 2025

๐“๐ก๐ž ๐”๐ง๐ญ๐จ๐ฅ๐ ๐’๐ญ๐จ๐ซ๐ฒ ๐จ๐Ÿ ๐๐ข๐ ๐ž๐ซ๐ข๐š’๐ฌ ๐๐š๐ญ๐ข๐จ๐ง๐š๐ฅ ๐“๐ก๐ž๐š๐ญ๐ซ๐ž ๐š๐ง๐ ๐ญ๐ก๐ž ๐๐ฎ๐ฅ๐ ๐š๐ซ๐ข๐š๐ง ๐‚๐จ๐ง๐ง๐ž๐œ๐ญ๐ข๐จ๐ง




For decades, Nigerians have admired the grandeur of the National Theatre in Lagos, an iconic cultural edifice that has hosted countless events. Yet, a crucial part of its history remains largely unknown—the fact that it was designed and constructed by a Bulgarian company, Techno-exportstroy, under the chairmanship of the late Alhaji Sule Katagum, Wazirin Katagum. This article sheds light on how a distinguished Nigerian civil servant became linked to this major architectural project, an aspect that has never been widely discussed.

๐—ง๐—ต๐—ฒ ๐— ๐—ฎ๐—ป ๐—•๐—ฒ๐—ต๐—ถ๐—ป๐—ฑ ๐˜๐—ต๐—ฒ ๐—–๐—ผ๐—ป๐—ป๐—ฒ๐—ฐ๐˜๐—ถ๐—ผ๐—ป

Alhaji Sule Katagum was born on April 12, 1921, in Katagum, Zaki Local Government Area, Bauchi State. A well-respected public servant, he had a distinguished career spanning several decades. He was educated at Bauchi Middle School, where his teacher was Nigeria’s first and only Prime Minister, Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa. He later attended the London School of Economics, the University of Ibadan, and the University of Legon in Ghana.

His career began with the Post and Telecommunications Department in Lagos in 1945 before he moved into the Northern Regional House of Assembly as an interpreter. He later held high-ranking positions, including Administrative Secretary of the Katagum Native Authority and Secretary of the Northern Nigeria Public Service. By 1959, he was appointed Chairman of the Federal Public Service Commission by Prime Minister Tafawa Balewa, marking the pinnacle of his public service career.

๐—ง๐—ต๐—ฒ ๐—ก๐—ฎ๐˜๐—ถ๐—ผ๐—ป๐—ฎ๐—น ๐—ง๐—ต๐—ฒ๐—ฎ๐˜๐—ฟ๐—ฒ ๐—ฎ๐—ป๐—ฑ ๐—œ๐˜๐˜€ ๐—•๐˜‚๐—น๐—ด๐—ฎ๐—ฟ๐—ถ๐—ฎ๐—ป ๐—œ๐—ป๐—ณ๐—น๐˜‚๐—ฒ๐—ป๐—ฐ๐—ฒ

The National Theatre was designed and built by the Bulgarian construction firm Techno-exportstroy. Interestingly, the structure bears a striking resemblance to the Palace of Culture and Sports in Varna, Bulgaria, which was completed in 1968. The Lagos National Theatre, however, is the larger of the two.

A Facebook user, Kehinde Edet, once remarked in a post about Katagum: "My Chairman at Tecno-Katagum Construction Company, may his soul rest in peace. Very nice man." This suggests that Katagum not only played a role in bringing Techno-exportstroy into Nigeria but also had a direct business interest in construction. Katagum is recorded to be one of the owners of Techno-exportstroy

๐—ง๐—ต๐—ฒ ๐— ๐˜†๐˜€๐˜๐—ฒ๐—ฟ๐˜† ๐—ผ๐—ณ ๐˜๐—ต๐—ฒ ๐—–๐—ผ๐—ป๐˜๐—ฟ๐—ฎ๐—ฐ๐˜ ๐—”๐˜„๐—ฎ๐—ฟ๐—ฑ

While it is known that Techno-exportstroy executed the project, the details of how and why the company was chosen remain obscure. What is particularly intriguing is that Alhaji Sule Katagum left the civil service in 1975 following the purge by the Murtala Mohammed administration. If he was involved in the National Theatre project, it means the contract must have been awarded before his departure.

In a 1917 article published by Vanguard newspaper, journalist Tunde Olopa noted that Katagum was among the “last of the conscientious Nigerian public servants.” Olopa described him as a man of high administrative professionalism and lamented how the 1975 purge disrupted the efficiency of the Nigerian civil service. He argued that Katagum and his contemporaries represented the “golden age” of public service, yet their exit marked a decline in the system’s effectiveness.

This raises important questions: Was Katagum still in public service when the contract was awarded? Did he have any direct role in influencing the choice of Techno-exportstroy? Or did his personal business connections with the Bulgarian firm play a role in securing the deal?

๐—” ๐—Ÿ๐—ฒ๐—ด๐—ฎ๐—ฐ๐˜† ๐—ช๐—ผ๐—ฟ๐˜๐—ต ๐—˜๐˜…๐—ฝ๐—น๐—ผ๐—ฟ๐—ถ๐—ป๐—ด

What is certain is that Alhaji Sule Katagum was a highly regarded civil servant who later ventured into business. His involvement with Techno-exportstroy, whether as a public official or private businessman, remains an untold part of Nigerian history. Understanding the full story behind the National Theatre’s construction could offer fresh insights into Nigeria’s infrastructure decisions during the 1970s.

Rather than diminishing his legacy, this revelation adds a new dimension to the life of a man who was instrumental in shaping Nigeria’s public service and infrastructure development. It also underscores the need for further research into how international collaborations influenced Nigeria’s post-independence architecture.

The National Theatre stands today not just as a symbol of culture but also as a testament to untold partnerships that shaped Nigeria’s history.

#NigeriaNationalTheatre #NationalTheatreLive #festac #NATIONALTROUPE


 

Friday, March 28, 2025


 ๐“๐ก๐ž ๐’๐ข๐ฅ๐ž๐ง๐ญ ๐„๐๐ฎ๐œ๐š๐ญ๐ข๐จ๐ง๐š๐ฅ ๐“๐ข๐ฆ๐ž-๐๐จ๐ฆ๐› ๐“๐ก๐š๐ญ ๐’๐ก๐จ๐ฎ๐ฅ๐ ๐“๐ž๐ซ๐ซ๐ข๐Ÿ๐ฒ ๐„๐ฏ๐ž๐ซ๐ฒ ๐๐ข๐ ๐ž๐ซ๐ข๐š๐ง


Sometimes, we fixate on what we perceive as urgent issues while completely ignoring the ticking time-bombs that threaten our future. And when I say ๐ญ๐ก๐ซ๐ž๐š๐ญ๐ž๐ง ๐จ๐ฎ๐ซ ๐Ÿ๐ฎ๐ญ๐ฎ๐ซ๐ž, I mean it quite literally.

I remember coming across the recently released cut-off marks for admission into Federal Government Unity Schools and feeling an overwhelming sense of dread. ๐–๐ž ๐š๐ซ๐ž ๐ข๐ง ๐ฌ๐ž๐ซ๐ข๐จ๐ฎ๐ฌ ๐ญ๐ซ๐จ๐ฎ๐›๐ฅ๐ž!

These schools—established to promote national unity—Have since been admitting students under an educational apartheid system where merit is sacrificed on the altar of politics and regional appeasement. The implication? We are deliberately nurturing a future class of ๐ฎ๐ฉ๐ฉ๐ž๐ซ-๐œ๐ฅ๐š๐ฌ๐ฌ ๐š๐ฅ๐ฆ๐š๐ฃ๐ข๐ซ๐ข ๐œ๐ก๐ข๐ฅ๐๐ซ๐ž๐ง—students admitted with little foundational knowledge—who will, on paper, graduate with the same qualifications as their peers from other states, yet lack the same level of competence.

๐‡๐จ๐ฐ ๐๐ข๐ ๐ฐ๐ž ๐ ๐ž๐ญ ๐ก๐ž๐ซ๐ž?

The public outrage that initially followed the release of these scores was predictable. Nigerians condemned it, raged on social media, and even cursed the government. But, as always, after a few days, the outrage fizzled out, drowned by a collective sigh of resignation. *Government does not care anyway*, and it understands the psyche of its people well enough to simply wait out their anger. No explanations. No justifications. No corrections. Just calculated silence. And as expected, the people moved on.

๐๐จ๐ฐ, ๐ฅ๐ž๐ญ’๐ฌ ๐ญ๐š๐ฅ๐ค ๐ง๐ฎ๐ฆ๐›๐ž๐ซ๐ฌ.

๐…๐จ๐ซ ๐š ๐ฌ๐ญ๐ฎ๐๐ž๐ง๐ญ ๐Ÿ๐ซ๐จ๐ฆ ๐„๐ง๐ฎ๐ ๐ฎ ๐’๐ญ๐š๐ญ๐ž ๐ญ๐จ ๐ ๐š๐ข๐ง ๐š๐๐ฆ๐ข๐ฌ๐ฌ๐ข๐จ๐ง, ๐ญ๐ก๐ž๐ฒ ๐ง๐ž๐ž๐ ๐Ÿ๐Ÿ‘๐Ÿ’ ๐ฆ๐š๐ซ๐ค๐ฌ ๐จ๐ฎ๐ญ ๐จ๐Ÿ ๐Ÿ๐ŸŽ๐ŸŽ.
๐€ ๐ฌ๐ญ๐ฎ๐๐ž๐ง๐ญ ๐Ÿ๐ซ๐จ๐ฆ ๐˜๐จ๐›๐ž? ๐Ÿ ๐ฆ๐š๐ซ๐ค๐ฌ.
๐™๐š๐ฆ๐Ÿ๐š๐ซ๐š? ๐Ÿ’ ๐ฆ๐š๐ซ๐ค๐ฌ.
๐“๐š๐ซ๐š๐›๐š? ๐Ÿ‘ ๐ฆ๐š๐ซ๐ค๐ฌ.
๐’๐จ๐ค๐จ๐ญ๐จ? ๐Ÿ— ๐ฆ๐š๐ซ๐ค๐ฌ.

๐ˆ ๐ซ๐ž๐ฉ๐ž๐š๐ญ—๐Ÿ ๐ฆ๐š๐ซ๐ค๐ฌ ๐จ๐ฎ๐ญ ๐จ๐Ÿ ๐Ÿ๐ŸŽ๐ŸŽ.

This is not just a scandal; it is a systemic rot designed to perpetuate mediocrity. How do we expect students with such extreme differences in entry requirements to compete fairly in the same academic environment?

It is an open declaration that **some Nigerians are, by government policy, considered less intelligent and less capable than others.** It is the most institutionalized form of intellectual sabotage imaginable.

๐“๐ก๐ž ๐‘๐ž๐š๐ฅ ๐‚๐ซ๐ข๐ฌ๐ข๐ฌ

It doesn’t end with admission. What many do not realize is that ๐ฌ๐œ๐จ๐ซ๐ข๐ง๐  ๐ฌ๐ญ๐š๐ง๐๐š๐ซ๐๐ฌ ๐š๐ซ๐ž ๐š๐ฅ๐ฌ๐จ ๐š๐๐ฃ๐ฎ๐ฌ๐ญ๐ž๐ ๐๐ฎ๐ซ๐ข๐ง๐  ๐ญ๐ก๐ž๐ข๐ซ ๐ž๐๐ฎ๐œ๐š๐ญ๐ข๐จ๐ง These students—who entered with significantly lower scores—will likely be ๐ ๐ซ๐š๐๐ž๐ ๐๐ข๐Ÿ๐Ÿ๐ž๐ซ๐ž๐ง๐ญ๐ฅ๐ฒ throughout their schooling. That means the same exams will be marked with different yardsticks: a student from a high-cutoff region could score 50% and be deemed a failure, while another from a low-cutoff region could score the same and be passed.

So, what do we end up with?

I first posted this in 2016. These were the figures then! So, I humbly ask, almost 10 years later, has anything really changed!

We graduate a generation where a student from the South who had to fight tooth and nail for admission sits in the same job market as another who barely scraped in. And because certificates do not bear the marks with which you were admitted, society assumes they are of equal competence.

But are they?

This is not *affirmative action*. This is *a rigged system that rewards mediocrity and punishes excellence*.

### The Ultimate Betrayal

There are two tragedies here:

1. **For Northern Nigeria:** This policy cements a *generational cycle of dependency and underdevelopment*. It is an unspoken agreement that *"our children are not capable, so let’s just push them through anyway."* What kind of future are we building when we deliberately lower the bar instead of raising our standards?

2. **For Nigeria as a whole:** We are filling our classrooms, our workforce, and eventually our leadership with underqualified individuals. When we eventually complain about incompetence in government, in the civil service, in the economy, we should remember *we built this system*.

Is this not the *worst* form of corruption? Not the stealing of money, but the theft of *quality education*—the very foundation of any progressive society.

Why have we accepted this silence? Why do we allow a system that *institutionalizes failure*? Why do we destroy our own future while pretending all is well?

If Nigeria is ever to rise as a truly competitive nation, then we must urgently rethink this *deliberate* degradation of our education system. The day we realize that **excellence is non-negotiable**, we will finally begin the journey toward true development.

The question remains—will we continue to stay silent? Or will we demand better?

 


๐—๐˜‚๐˜€๐˜๐—ถ๐—ฐ๐—ฒ ๐—ณ๐—ผ๐—ฟ ๐—ฃ๐—ฎ๐˜‚๐—น: ๐—” ๐—ง๐—ฟ๐—ฎ๐—ด๐—ถ๐—ฐ ๐—Ÿ๐—ผ๐˜€๐˜€ ๐—ฎ๐—ป๐—ฑ ๐—ฎ ๐—–๐—ฎ๐—น๐—น ๐—ณ๐—ผ๐—ฟ ๐—”๐—ฐ๐—ฐ๐—ผ๐˜‚๐—ป๐˜๐—ฎ๐—ฏ๐—ถ๐—น๐—ถ๐˜๐˜†
On a tragic Monday afternoon, 13-year-old Paul Odikanwa was shot while attempting to retrieve a football from a neighbor’s compound in Owerri, Imo State. The young man, a Junior Secondary School 1 (JSS 1) student at Urban Development Secondary School, later succumbed to his injuries. His devastated father, Jonathan Odikanwa, has shared the harrowing details of this incident, which has left a family in mourning and a community in shock.
This is an outrageous and indefensible act that must not go unpunished. The alleged shooter, a landlord in the neighborhood, reportedly denied firing a gun but was contradicted by multiple eyewitnesses who confirmed he shot at Paul and later fired sporadically into the air. This was not an accident; it was an unjustifiable act of violence.
๐—ง๐—ต๐—ฒ ๐—Ÿ๐—ฒ๐—ด๐—ฎ๐—น ๐—œ๐—บ๐—ฝ๐—น๐—ถ๐—ฐ๐—ฎ๐˜๐—ถ๐—ผ๐—ป๐˜€
Nigeria's legal system is clear on matters of unlawful killing. Under Section 319 of the ๐—–๐—ฟ๐—ถ๐—บ๐—ถ๐—ป๐—ฎ๐—น ๐—–๐—ผ๐—ฑ๐—ฒ ๐—”๐—ฐ๐˜ (๐—–๐—ฎ๐—ฝ ๐—–๐Ÿฏ๐Ÿด, ๐—Ÿ๐—ฎ๐˜„๐˜€ ๐—ผ๐—ณ ๐˜๐—ต๐—ฒ ๐—™๐—ฒ๐—ฑ๐—ฒ๐—ฟ๐—ฎ๐˜๐—ถ๐—ผ๐—ป ๐—ผ๐—ณ ๐—ก๐—ถ๐—ด๐—ฒ๐—ฟ๐—ถ๐—ฎ, ๐Ÿฎ๐Ÿฌ๐Ÿฌ๐Ÿฐ), any person who unlawfully kills another with intent or reckless disregard for life is guilty of murder. If investigations confirm that Paul was shot intentionally, the suspect must be charged accordingly.
Furthermore, ๐—ฆ๐—ฒ๐—ฐ๐˜๐—ถ๐—ผ๐—ป ๐Ÿฏ๐Ÿฏ(๐Ÿญ) ๐—ผ๐—ณ ๐˜๐—ต๐—ฒ ๐Ÿญ๐Ÿต๐Ÿต๐Ÿต ๐—–๐—ผ๐—ป๐˜€๐˜๐—ถ๐˜๐˜‚๐˜๐—ถ๐—ผ๐—ป ๐—ผ๐—ณ ๐—ก๐—ถ๐—ด๐—ฒ๐—ฟ๐—ถ๐—ฎ (๐—ฎ๐˜€ ๐—ฎ๐—บ๐—ฒ๐—ป๐—ฑ๐—ฒ๐—ฑ) guarantees the right to life, stating that "no one shall be deprived of his life intentionally, save in execution of a court sentence." The shooting of a defenseless teenager over a mere football retrieval is a blatant violation of this fundamental right.
Additionally, the ๐—™๐—ถ๐—ฟ๐—ฒ๐—ฎ๐—ฟ๐—บ๐˜€ ๐—”๐—ฐ๐˜ (๐—–๐—ฎ๐—ฝ ๐—™๐Ÿฎ๐Ÿด, ๐—Ÿ๐—™๐—ก ๐Ÿฎ๐Ÿฌ๐Ÿฌ๐Ÿฐ) restricts the use and possession of firearms by private individuals. If the alleged shooter was in possession of an unlicensed firearm, further legal action should be taken against him.
๐—ง๐—ต๐—ฒ ๐—•๐—ถ๐—ด๐—ด๐—ฒ๐—ฟ ๐—ฃ๐—ถ๐—ฐ๐˜๐˜‚๐—ฟ๐—ฒ: ๐—ฉ๐—ถ๐—ผ๐—น๐—ฒ๐—ป๐—ฐ๐—ฒ ๐—”๐—ด๐—ฎ๐—ถ๐—ป๐˜€๐˜ ๐˜๐—ต๐—ฒ ๐—ฌ๐—ผ๐˜‚๐˜๐—ต
Paul’s case is yet another example of how children and young people are often at the receiving end of excessive and unnecessary force. Whether by security personnel, vigilantes, or private individuals, this culture of resorting to violence rather than peaceful conflict resolution must stop.
We must ask ourselves: ๐‘พ๐’‰๐’š ๐’…๐’Š๐’… ๐’‚ 65-๐’š๐’†๐’‚๐’“-๐’๐’๐’… ๐’Ž๐’‚๐’ ๐’‡๐’Š๐’๐’… ๐’Š๐’• ๐’“๐’†๐’‚๐’”๐’๐’๐’‚๐’ƒ๐’๐’† ๐’•๐’ ๐’”๐’‰๐’๐’๐’• ๐’‚ ๐’š๐’๐’–๐’๐’ˆ ๐’ƒ๐’๐’š ๐’๐’—๐’†๐’“ ๐’‚ ๐’‡๐’๐’๐’•๐’ƒ๐’‚๐’๐’?* What does this say about our society, where disputes escalate so easily into deadly confrontations? If Paul had been a rich man’s son, would his life have been taken so recklessly?
๐——๐—ฒ๐—บ๐—ฎ๐—ป๐—ฑ ๐—ณ๐—ผ๐—ฟ ๐—๐˜‚๐˜€๐˜๐—ถ๐—ฐ๐—ฒ
The police and judiciary have a duty to ensure that justice prevails. This must not be another case where the rich and influential manipulate the system to evade punishment. The people of Imo State, and indeed all Nigerians, must demand transparency in the investigation and prosecution of this case.
Justice for Paul is justice for all. If we allow this to slide, we send a dangerous message that young lives are disposable.
๐—–๐—ฎ๐—น๐—น ๐˜๐—ผ ๐—”๐—ฐ๐˜๐—ถ๐—ผ๐—ป
1. Prosecution of the Suspect: The Imo State Police Command must ensure that the suspect faces the full weight of the law.
2. Stricter Gun Control: Authorities must enforce firearm regulations to prevent private individuals from unlawfully possessing and using deadly weapons.
3. Community Sensitization on Dispute Resolution: Schools and communities must educate people on peaceful conflict resolution to prevent unnecessary violence.
4. Social Justice Advocacy: Human rights organizations must take up this case to ensure it gets the attention it deserves.
Paul Odikanwa had dreams. He was a young football lover who was trying to get an education, despite starting late. His life mattered. We must all raise our voices until justice is served.


The France/Africa Friendship Status

 

France’s interest in Burkina Faso is far from benign. Burkina is a strategic location for France, not only because of its resources but also because it sits at the heart of a region France has long sought to control under the guise of security and stability. Its independence from French influence threatens a wider unraveling of France’s grip on its former African colonies—an unraveling that has already begun.
Macron’s plea for "friendship" with Captain Ibrahim Traorรฉ, while simultaneously proposing to establish military bases in Burkina Faso, is a blatant continuation of France’s post-colonial strategy in Africa: offering diplomatic niceties while maintaining economic and military control. Traorรฉ’s sharp response—pointing out that France does not build military bases in its so-called "friends" in the West—exposes the double standard at play.
France has historically maintained a neocolonial stranglehold over its former African territories through a combination of economic dependency (the CFA franc), military presence, and political manipulation. When these countries gained nominal independence in the 1960s, France ensured it retained control through puppet regimes, military interventions, and covert destabilization efforts against leaders who sought true sovereignty. This system, often referred to as *Franรงafrique*, has been instrumental in keeping African nations under French influence while presenting a faรงade of independence.
But the tides are shifting. The recent expulsion of French forces from Burkina Faso, Mali, and Niger signals a rejection of this historical dominance. When countries like Togo and Gabon opted to join the Commonwealth of Nations, I predicted this shift. It was a clear sign that more Francophone African nations were exploring alternatives to France’s sphere of influence—seeking partnerships with other global players rather than remaining bound to their former colonial master.
Burkina Faso’s path toward self-determination is part of a broader African awakening. If it continues on this trajectory, it will inspire other French-speaking African nations to fully reclaim their political and economic sovereignty. And France knows it. That’s why Macron is desperate to reassert influence—not through genuine friendship, but through the same old military and economic mechanisms that have kept these nations subservient for decades.
The question now is: Will France accept this reality, or will it resort to its usual playbook of interference? One thing is clear—Africa is watching, and the tide of history is not in France’s favor.